

R C Ganjoo
A Safe Haven for Congress Leaders during the Quit India Movement
Kashmir held a significant and relatively safe haven for many Congress leaders seeking refuge from arrest during the Quit India Movement against the British in 1942 several years before India’s independence.
Underground Refuge in Kashmir
Leaders like Aruna Asaf Ali and the Marxist Ganesh Prasad successfully remained in safehouses in Kashmir. Ganesh Prasad initially stayed in the attic of the house of D.P. Dhar(Durga Prasad Dhar) in Safakadal. After his location became known to the police, he was moved to D.P. Dhar’s Jagir (estate).
By 1942, D.P. Dhar was the President of the J&K Branch of the All India Students Federation, with Kashi Nath Bamzai serving as the Vice-President. This network helped workers from Congress and the Student Federation coming from outside Kashmir.
Underground messengers sought to establish contact with Sarat Chandra Bose, who was coordinating activities between Calcutta and Rangoon. Bose used an assumed name to maintain communication with overground Congress workers.
A letter intended for these workers, bearing an assumed name, unfortunately fell into the hands of the Police Commissioner of Calcutta. Alerted by the British Intelligence, the Commissioner forwarded the letter to Gopalswami Ayyengar, the Prime Minister of J&K, forinquiry and action. Ram Lal Nagpal (later secretary of the J&K Assembly), Ayyengar’sstenographer and a friend of D.P. Dhar, urgently informed Dhar that the Prime Minister had summoned him and Satpal Sahni (a witness to Kashmir history who was given the letter) tohis residence the next morning at 9:30 A.M.
The Meeting
D.P. Dhar and Sahni arrived at Ayyengar’s Chamber near the Amar Singh Club. The Prime Minister directly confronted D.P. Dhar, stating, “You are the son of a Jagirdar. The activities you are indulging in can jeopardize your Jagir.”
D.P. Dhar, demonstrating his commitment to the cause, responded defiantly, “Sir, the point is why should my father suffer for my mistake?”
Ayyenger took out the letter and asked, “Whose signature is this?” Sahni replied, “Signatures are mine”. He enquired, “Why did you write this?” Sahni said, “I wanted to elicit some information”. He continued, “You can be sent to jail”. Sahni submitted, “If I deserve it then I will go”. At the end he said in view of the complaint made by Police Commissioner of Calcutta both were taken to Kothibagh Police Station, an FIR was filed against them for indulging in ‘subversive activities’. In the Police Station two of Sahni’s cousins came to see them, The Tonga driver had communicated to them the news of their detention. DP and Sahni were released after three days.
Political Currents in Kashmir (1942 – 1946)
In September 1942, as the Quit India Movement swept India, Dr. Zakir Hussain (later President of India) visited Kashmir. Though officially distancing himself from active politics, he was approached by a local student leader, Sahni, who represented a group wanting to extend the independence movement into the Jammu and Kashmir princely state under the National Conference (NC) banner.
Dr. Hussain, adhering to the official Congress policy of not involving the princely states, advised against launching a revolt. When Sahni mentioned plans for sabotage, Hussain issued a cautionary but encouraging message, writing in a notebook: “If a thing is worth doing, it is also worth doing well.” This brief meeting underscored the tension between the national movement’s directives and the local desire for agitation.
Simultaneously, an intellectual group was emerging in Srinagar, anchored by figures likeD.P. Dhar, K.N. Bamzai, and J.N. Zutshi. This group was profoundly influenced by Soviet Constitution and Planning principles. Key to crystallizing these ideas was the presence of B.P.L. Bedi, who, along with his wife, had come to know the National Conference leadership through Sadiq. Bedi was tasked by Sheikh Abdullah to draft the NC’s ideological and economic manifesto. This effort culminated in the document known as ‘Naya Kashmir’ (New Kashmir), which was formally adopted by the NC Working Committee and released at a function in 1943, laying a progressive foundation for the future of Kashmir.
Impact of War
World War II also impacted Kashmir’s political landscape. The Indo-Soviet Friendship Society established a branch in J&K in early 1942, with Sadiq as its President, to create public awareness about the ‘Peoples’ War’ against fascism, distinct from the ‘Imperialist War.’ On the other side of the conflict, Maharaja Hari Singh was included as a member of Churchill’s War Council, further linking the Dogra rule to the British imperial project.
In 1944, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Kashmir in an attempt to woo Sheikh Abdullah and the National Conference to the Muslim League’s side. However, Sheikh Abdullah firmly rejected Jinnah’s overtures, stating his refusal to align the NC with the Muslim League. Despite a grand reception hosted by a local jeweler, Ghulam Ahmed Jeweller, none of the NC leadership attended on Sheikh Abdullah’s instructions. This event solidified the ideological divide between the NC, which leaned towards the secular nationalism of the Congress, and the Muslim League.
Sheikh Abdullah’s increasing alignment with the Congress was ideological, converting him from a communalist to a secular-minded leader, though he remained religious. His role as the president of the States Peoples Conference led to him being invited as a special invitee to the Congress Working Committee. He viewed this trust as a responsibility to uphold.
The entire NC leadership backed Abdullah’s stance, with only Mirza Afzal Beg urging a ‘Wait and See’ approach, perhaps influenced by his position in the Maharaja’s Cabinet and the political uncertainty following the failure of the Cripps Mission and the impending arrival of the Cabinet Mission.
‘Quit Kashmir’ Movement
Simultaneously to Quit India Movement developed from a growing polarization within the NC into ‘pro-Maharaja’ and ‘anti-Maharaja’ factions, with Jinnah’s unsuccessful visit acting as a catalyst. Believing they could replicate the success of the Quit India Movement, the NC decided in a session in Jammu to launch an agitation against the Maharaja, viewing his rule as an obstacle to Kashmiri aspirations. Sheikh Abdullah also feared that the Maharaja might bypass the NC and deal directly with the Viceroy and the Cabinet Mission, who were then in Shimla.
The agitation, planned for May 1946, was preempted when Prime Minister R.C. Kak arrested all important NC workers. Sheikh Abdullah’s trial began in July 1946. Pandit Nehru took the significant step of heading the defense committee, which included figures like Bhulabhai Desai and Asaf Ali. While attempting to reach Kashmir, Nehru was arrested at Kohala, creating a tremendous visual impact that rallied support for the NC. Although the NC could not meet the Cabinet Mission when it visited Srinagar due to repression, Nehru’s symbolic arrest profoundly cemented the bond between the Indian nationalist leadership and the Kashmiri masses.
This account highlights Kashmir’s vital, though often understated, role as a sanctuary and coordination center for the nationalist movement during a critical phase of India’s struggle for independence.
About the Author
RC Ganjoo is a senior journalist and commentator on Kashmir and India-Pakistan issues. He has authored three books on Kashmir.
The article was featured in the November 16–30, 2025 issue of The Emerging World magazine.